Switch to classic view. The pipeline theory suggests that increasing the number of women in male-dominated fields should lead to more equality in the labour market.
This perspective does not "Glass ceiling effect statistics of sexual immorality" for differences in the expectations of men and women within the pipeline, which may serve to perpetuate inequities.
This study explores the differences in the choice of academic preparation, career expectations, and career priorities of 23, pre-career men and women using a large sample of Canadian post-secondary students who are about to embark on their first careers.
That said, young women in male-dominated fields reported higher salary expectations than those in female-dominated fields. Additionally, young women indicated a preference for beta career priorities e. Our study also found that although women are entering the pipeline for male-dominated fields in greater numbers, it does not necessarily result in more equality for women in the labour market.
We conclude that the inequities in the labour market are evident within the pre-career pipeline in the form of gendered expectations. We recommend a number of interventions that might address the expectation gap and therefore improve gender equity in the labour market.
Nuestro estudio muestra igualmente que si las mujeres acceden en mayor cantidad a las profesiones masculinas, esto no conduce necesariamente a mayor igualdad para ellas en el mercado de trabajo. A decade into the 21 st century, women continue to be disadvantaged in their careers relative to men. Despite government efforts to promote gender equality in the workplace e.
Government interventions are generally aimed at eliminating discriminatory pay and hiring practices on the employer side i. The conditions for such a supply-side change are evident, as the participation of women in the Canadian labour force has increased steadily since the turn of the 20 th century with women now making up roughly 47 percent of all workers Statistics Canada,similar to other developed nations OECD, In Canada, university educated women earn only 68 percent of the salaries of equally qualified men Canadian Labour Force Survey, Glass ceiling effect statistics of sexual immorality With respect to career advancement, women represent 37 percent of all Canadian managers and that number drops to 22 percent for senior management Statistics Canada, Recent research has concluded that women are disadvantaged when it comes to advancement at any level, although the disadvantage is greater at the lower levels i.
Unfortunately, even in studies that controlled for experience, education, industry and employer, among other things, gender-based inequities have not been fully explained e. We contend that the pipeline hypothesis is insufficient as an explanation of gendered career gaps, as it does not consider the career expectations of those women within the pipeline, which impact their subsequent salary and promotion attainments Hogue, Dubois, and Fox-Cardamone, Research has indicated that pre-career women tend to have lower career expectations than pre-career men Hogue, Dubois, and Fox-Cardamone, If the women graduating from university, who are entering the pipeline, continue to have lower pay and promotion expectations than their male counterparts, then we might expect Glass ceiling effect statistics of sexual immorality gender gap in pay and promotion rates to persist, even as larger numbers of women enter male-dominated fields.
The present study extends previous work and adds to the literature by using a large sample of university students who are a part of the millennial generation.
Against this backdrop, the present study explores the expectations of young people in the pipeline, by documenting differences in the Glass ceiling effect statistics of sexual immorality of academic preparation, career expectations, and attitudes among a large sample of men and women who are about to begin their careers.
Exploring career expectations at the beginning of the pipeline is an important step in helping us understand the supply-side impediments to career equity. In order to better address the perpetuation in gender gaps in pay and promotion expectations, it is crucial to know whether these gaps currently exist in the pre-career stage i. The pipeline theory represents the flow of individuals from academic preparation to establishment in a given profession Mariani, It is frequently assumed that a major reason for the underrepresentation of women in traditionally male-dominated fields is the lack of women preparing to enter those fields.
To the extent that this is true, increasing the number of women in the pipeline will inevitably lead to increases in female representation in male-dominated fields Mariani, ; Soe and Yakura, A critical mass of women should also, theoretically, change the all-male dynamic and result in more equality in pay and promotion opportunities Konrad, Kramer, and Erkut, ; Soe and Yakura, ; Terjesen and Singh, Although this supply-side explanation does not account for discriminatory practices on the demand-side, it addresses a necessary precondition for gender equality in the labour market.
Mariani suggested that the pipeline itself could be gendered, as men and women enter the pipeline under different circumstances, and differ in ways that will affect their future careers. It appears that despite the greater representation of women in the workforce, the pipelines into certain career fields continue to be segregated by gender. Evetts argued that this can be attributed to systemic cultural and structural determinants. Women historically pursued studies in the arts and social sciences, while men pursued studies in business, science, and engineering.
Andres Glass ceiling effect statistics of sexual immorality Adamuti-Trache reported that despite increased university enrolment for women, students remain widely segregated by fields of study.
Although gendered entry into the career pipeline explains some of the perpetual gaps between the career outcomes of men and women, it does not explain how women continue to be disadvantaged relative to men as they proceed through the pipeline.
We posit that some portion of this gap is attributable to lower initial career expectations on the part of women.
There has been consistent evidence that the pre-career pay expectations of women are lower than those of men. Over the years, this difference seems to have improved somewhat, with differences
Glass ceiling effect statistics of sexual immorality 93 percent initial and 73 percent peak reported in Jackson, Gardner, and Sullivan, and 80 percent initial and 60 percent peak in Heckert et al. More recently, Hogue, Dubois, and Fox-Cardamone reported differentials of 92 and 67 percent, in initial and peak salary expectations, respectively.
There are a number of possible reasons why the pre-career expectations of men and women differ. First, there may be a conscious recognition by women though not necessarily an acceptance of persistent gender differences in the workplace. Human capital theory suggests that women may choose to trade off salary and advancement for other more relational priorities, such as collegial and family-friendly work environments, and may consequently invest less in career capital, such as education and work experience, necessary for advancement Firestone, Harris, and Lambert, Research suggests that individuals are more likely to base their career expectations on information provided from individuals of the same gender Heckert et al.
Thus, the career expectations of women are likely to reflect current inequities in the workforce. Betz suggested that young women have historically experienced barriers in developing self-efficacy and their self-confidence and self-esteem diminish during their academic preparation.
Women may also lack self-efficacy male-dominated occupations because of the socialization process they experience Clement, ; Pell, On this basis, we hypothesize that pre-career women will have lower expectations for pay and advancement than men.
Women will report lower salary expectations than men. Women will report lower promotion expectations i.
The salary attainment between men and women also appears to go hand-in-hand with occupational segregation Chaykoswki and Powell, ; Evans, ; Fortin and Huberman, a. Women have been shown to choose careers and make career priorities that provide lower salaries than their male counterparts Chaykowski and Powell, Men are also more likely than women to be employed in higher paying industries e.
Furthermore, women experience greater barriers to entry as a result of discriminationand may be limited in terms of employment choices e. Research also suggests that women fare better in terms of promotion in organizations that have a higher representation of women in their management cadres or on their boards Cohen, Broschak, and Haveman, ; Terjesen and Singh, On this basis, we predict that women in female-dominated fields, which are likely to have higher proportions of female managers, will also report more positive promotion expectations than women in male-dominated fields.
Women in female-dominated fields will report more optimistic promotion expectations, compared women in male-dominated fields. Given that overall earnings in male-dominated fields will be higher than those in female-dominated fields, we posit that women will fare better in male-dominated fields.
Women in traditionally male-dominated fields will report higher salary expectations compared to women in female-dominated fields. We further predict that gender differences i. The gender gap in salary expectations will be greater in male-dominated than in female-dominated fields. The gender gap in promotion expectations will be greater in male-dominated fields than in female-dominated fields. Gender-related differences in pay and promotion expectations may also be attributable to gendered differences in career priorities.
Women have been found to place greater priority than men on family-life considerations, personal development opportunities, and pleasant working environments Heckert et al. Alpha careers, which are typically pursued by men, are primarily work-focused, with relatively less emphasis on family and society.
Historically, men, as breadwinners, have made career advancement a top priority and have focused on relationships only after having achieved career success. Beta careers, on the other hand, are pursued primarily by women and are focused on balance, with work being a secondary consideration. It is unclear, however, how these differences in career priorities may affect career expectations, with research providing conflicting results Jackson, Gardner, and Sullivan, ; Heckert et al.
We propose the following regarding gender differences in career priorities:. Women will be less likely than men to indicate career priorities related to alpha careers i. Women will be more likely than men to indicate career priorities related to beta careers i. The data "Glass ceiling effect statistics of sexual immorality" this study were taken from the From Learning to Work study conducted by three strategic research firms, DECODE, Brainstorm Consulting, and Universum, commissioned by a consortium of large Canadian employers interested in better understanding the views of university students on jobs, organizations, careers and their perceptions of organizations.
The data were collected through a national online survey distributed Glass ceiling effect statistics of sexual immorality fifty-eight universities and colleges in the spring of From this sample, we focused only on Canadian Millennial respondents who were studying for an undergraduate university degree. The final sample included 23, respondents, representing 85 percent of the original data set and 2. The demographics of the sample are presented in Table 1.
The median age of the respondents was about 22 years ranging from 18 to Salary expectations were assessed by two separate questions asking respondents to enter the dollar amount corresponding to the salary that they expected to earn in their first job immediately following their graduation from university and the salary that they expected to earn five years following graduation.
Promotion expectations were assessed using a single question, asking respondents to indicate how soon they would expect to be promoted after they have found employment after graduation. Career priorities were assessed by asking respondents to select up to three priorities that they wish to achieve within three years of graduation.
For this study, we chose five items which represent alpha and beta career priorities. All of the items are entered into a principle components factor analysis to generate an unrotated factor solution.
If substantial common method variance is present, either a single factor will emerge, or one general factor will account for most of the covariance in the independent and criterion variables Podsakoff and Organ, Glass ceiling effect statistics of sexual immorality results indicated that the variables loaded on four unique factors with eigenvalues of 1.
We therefore deemed that common method variance was not a significant concern.
In order to control for the effects of achievement motivation, we also included grade-point average GPA as a control variable. For the set of five career priorities, we conducted logistic regressions to determine the relationship with gender and field of study. Finally, we employed linear regression analysis to investigate the relationship between gender, area of study, career priorities and career expectations, with GPA as a control variable.
Tables 2 and 3 display the mean initial salary expectations and five-year salary expectations respectively for women and men in the different fields of study. The women in this study reported initial salary expectations that were Similar to initial salary expectations, women reported a gap of Glass ceiling effect statistics of sexual immorality 1a was supported, as women reported lower salary expectations than men, both for their initial salary and their salary after five years of working, regardless of field of study.
Gender was significantly related to initial salary expectations in each of the three fields: An identical pattern was observed for five-year salary expectations, as gender was significant for each of the three majors: Thus, hypothesis 3a was supported, as gender gaps in salary expectations were largest in traditionally male-dominated professions. Table 4 shows the time in months in which students indicated that they expect to be promoted. The average expectation for time to first promotion was There were no significant interactions between gender and fields of study.
In general, women expected a longer wait for their first promotion compared to men 1. cracking this last glass ceiling will give them significant competitive Ground and Sin Fronteras: Celebrating and Capitalizing on the Strengths of Latina Executives.
She is Thirty percent of them noted that the sexual tension intrinsic to Glass ceiling effect statistics of sexual immorality. Sin embargo, esta perspectiva no toma en consideración las diferencias d With respect to career advancement, women represent 37 percent of all floor” problem) than upper management (i.e., the glass ceiling) (Yap and Konrad, ).